Archive for the ‘Political Thoughts’ Category
Entry 1707 — Some Either/Or Americas
Wednesday, January 28th, 2015
Would you prefer an America in which the three-and-a-half million richest Americans and their spouses, children, grand-children and great-grand-children disappeared forever (assuming you were not any of the persons named or an America in which everyone in America but the persons just named, and you and the one hundred people closest to you disappeared forever? I thought this question up to illustrate the difference between egalitarianism. Since the richest Americans are (for the most part) the Americans making the rest of us the happiest their loss would diminish our lives much more than the loss of the masses.
On second thought, I realized that would not be the case because of all the high productive Americans who are not rich, and also because I doubt that the very rich would not be fairly easy to replace with the almost very rich. It’s also true that the disappearance of the masses would make it difficult for the very rich to be anywhere near as effective as they had been.
Or would it? Things would surely be bad for a while, but possibly they would eventually . . .
NEW SCENARIOS: nicer ones (because while I have very little problem with the painless extinction of anyone, including myself, due to my belief that extinct people will not likely be unhappy about their state, I do have a proper problem with causing the unhappiness their extinction would cause those left behind, so however easy it is for me to make up dire scenarios, it would be impossible for me to cause them in reality if I could, and as the Christian God and most of his brothers and sisters can and do): my new scenarios would be the same as my old except that no one would be rendered extinct–and America would first be transported to an exact duplicate of the earth a billion light-years away except that it has no human beings on it until the duplicate of America is deposited on it. The choice given then is which of the two groups I described should be sent back to the now unpopulated original America, and which left with you on the new planet–which will have not outside countries to contend with.
My not yet carefully-thought-out verdict is that the one with the very rich would be less successful for those in it than the other one would be for those in it, but after a generation or earlier, it would become stupendously better. The one with the masses would definitely not be better off with the very rich gone because the huge majority of the very rich are not the monsters that the socialistic demagogues rant that they are. But its suffering would not last long, I don’t think. It might even fairly quickly become significantly better than it has because of all the positions that would open up at the top for younger persons equal to the old people blocking their way.
A scenario more interesting to me would replace the richest 3,500,000 and families with the 3,500,000 most anthreffective Americans and their families, by some evaluational process vastly better than we have now. “Anthreffectiveness” is my term for, roughly, “full human capacity to be effective,” or over-all intelligence, including the physical intelligence to catch fly balls, the auditory intelligence to compose symphonies, the “cartoceptual” intelligence to be able to find your way around, the social intelligence to get half-wits to elect you U.S. president, and so on.
An interesting question would be how many of these would be in the very rich group. Certainly much less than half . . . I think. But I’m basing that on my impression that many more of those of the past (before the twentieth century) who got into encyclopedias for their positive cultural achievements–e.g., not Nero–were not rich than were.
Lots of other varieties of either/or choices based on scenarios like the ones I’ve described are fun to think about. How about a choice between an America on the far-off second Earth having either only the best 3,500,000 American “progressive” minds (according to Paul Krugman and Elizabeth Warren) and their families or the best American anti-authoritarian minds (according to George Will and Rand Paul)? Or the actual best (and most benevolent) progressive minds and the actual best (benevolent) anti-authoritarian minds according to a computer with a political IQ of 10,000 and access to the total political understanding of every American . . . That would get me in with the anti-authoritarians, something that might not happen with Will and Paul running the show. (Maybe as a long-time subscriber to both The New Criterion and Free Inquiry I’d get into both far-off Americas. Nah, neither side would want me.)
An interesting possibility is that an America here without its best freedom-loving minds might soon become entirely socialized. What would happen then? A revolution of the right-wing few against the wimp majority? And how about the other possibility: an America here without its leading progressives. Also a revolution? Again of a wimp majority against a right-wing few, but much bett
A related idea: two Americas on two far-off planets, one with just the best freedom-lovers, the other with just the best security-lovers, let me try neutrally to call them. Would leftists evolve on the free planet, anti-authoritarians on the welfare planet?
How about two Americas one of which has no one but the 3,500,000 and their families who most ardently believe in a supreme being like the Christian god, and the 3,500,000 who most ardently disbelieve in such an entity?
Now the best pairing: the 3,500,000 and families most enchanted by poetry, and the 3,500,000 and families least enchanted by it. Frankly, I think I’d rather be with the latter.
I suppose I’d really prefer (sob) America as is. I’d love to learn what happened to each of the others, though. Some will, in virtual realities of the future.
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I began this entry with a near-complete blank mind. Finally, thinking I would present a brief description of my first pairing of Americas, then kept going. Have I abominated even worser than usual? I seem to have devolved from poetry and poetics into a village socio-political ranter against all that is holy? I do seem to have stopped composing poetry. I am not happy about that. Why? Maybe I’ve run out of creativity. Maybe now that I’m in my final years I feel a need to have my say. A big reason that makes sense is it has been obvious for a long time that trying to keep from being too ignored by the just about all Establishments (including the libertarian one) by keeping quiet about my political views has no chance of helping me.
Humorously, the true main reason for all my pronouncements and blither is simply my need to get a blog entry posted daily!
Let it be inscribed on the pot holding my ashes: “He was Honest, but nevertheless Harmless. Urp.”
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Entry 1695 — Old Blither
Saturday, January 17th, 2015
From one of my ongoing arguments through cyberspace (with nothing new in it except maybe the expression of a few of my standard thoughts):
First to correct an error: None of my beliefs is based on FAITH although many may be mistaken.
I sympathize with you regarding problems with corporations but don’t think any system of economics can prevent morons, due to their numbers, from screwing things up.
As to your expertise in economics, you forget that credentials and assertion mean nothing to me. I am sure you know more about economics than I because I know you, not because you say you do or have a degree in it, etc. Similarly, I am sure many academics know a great deal more about poetry than I–but I am able to think, which they are not, so have developed a far better understanding of poetry out of my meagre knowledge of it than they have out of their sprawling knowledge of it. I’m not anywhere near that sure my understanding of economics is superior to yours, however. It doesn’t matter, because my genes force me to value individual property rights and the individual freedom they result in over any form of government-run economic system. A business-owner should be allowed to run his business any way he wants to so long as he does not commit any violent crimes in the process. At present, only criminals are allowed to hire and fire as they please, set a price on their goods, etc.
I would go along with you to the extent that, as much as I hate the idea of a government’s redistribution of wealth–in any way whatsoever–I do think that if the government must continue to do it, it ought to do a better job of it. On the other hand, I’m sure you won’t agree with me that it’s stupid to give more and more money to people incapable of rising out of impoverished, worthless lives no matter how much money you dump on them.
To which, I later (24 January 2015) realize, I need to add that this does not mean I believe all those the government dumps money on is necessarily “incapable of rising out of impoverished, worthless lives,” etc. If a government is of as affluent a country as ours is, and required by its dependents to support those supposedly in need, it should do it in such a way that the worst of its recipients can go to a government-run soup-kitchen to keep from starving, and live in a single heated or cooled room and bath if they need to, and nothing more–other than directing them to opportunities to improve their lot if able to.
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Entry 1694 — Arguing with the Pope
Friday, January 16th, 2015
“One cannot provoke, one cannot insult other people’s faith, one cannot make fun of faith,” the Pope recently said, in a discussion about a bunch of killings in Paris by Islamofanatics. “There is a limit. Every religion has its dignity … in freedom of expression there are limits.”
The right to liberty of expression comes with the “obligation” to speak for “the common good,” Pope Francis said, cautioning against provocation. –from somewhere on the Internet
This kind of nonsense always annoys me, this idea that freedom of speech is fine–unless you use it. And I have nothing but contempt for those who believe so little in the validity of their ideas that they want the government to protect those ideas from ridicule, or anything else. Then there is their failure to see that if freedom of speech is reduced to protect one religious idea or object or person from ridicule, it will soon be reduced to protect any religious idea or object or person; at that point, why should it not be reduced to protect all ideas or objects or persons from ridicule? And why stop there, why not cancel freedom of speech to assure that no ideas, objects and persons will ever have to put up with any verbal opposition to them whatever?
Hey, it could be done! People could be trained throughout their schooling to express only positive opinions without odiously comparing what they are praising to anything else–e.g., write how wonderful a president Barack Obama is but not say he’s better or worse than James Buchanan. The only problem would be how to force everyone into never saying anything offensive without being mean to them. Well, except for the problem of the hyper-offendables who will find ways to take offense at anything–for example, that someone who has chosen to praise Obama is insulting the memory of Buchanan by not choosing to praise him. In both cases, all you could do is say nice things about people who always say nice things, with arguments, even, one of which might be that people who always say nice things are much less likely to be socked in the jaw than people who sometimes say things that are not nice–which would be true in both cases since the hyper-offendables would be saying those praising Obama instead of Buchanan were not being nice to Buchanan, which would not be nice to say.
Note: I’m at the level of a child now. In fact, I think I’ve been there from the beginning of this entry (but not all my life!) That’s because one can’t discuss the topic at an adult level because of its beginning point–incredibly sub-juvenile expressions of morality (i.e., totalitarian regulation of others’ behavior).
Conclusion: it would be very hard to say nothing but nice things. As I did not mention but which should be immediately obvious to any intelligent person, it would also by very dull.
I just remembered something else needing to be mentioned: that mockery is a relatively benign form of hostility. This, I suspect, is something we are all aware of, but that is hard for some people to remember, especially progressives.
Another digression: You know, I think the two main parties in the west are the sentimentalists and the realists, with the former more numerous, and stronger verbally but weaker mentally. I like to believe I’m more sentimental than the sentimentalists and more realistic than the realists. Another thought: that the realists are only realistic about reality! I’ll let you work out what I mean by that since it seems pretty clear to me.
The sentimentalists are too sensitive to pain, so see what’s wrong with reality excessively, the realists are too thick-skinned to be bothered by what’s wrong with it. Among other things, as you should always take me to be saying. Dogma: there are a multitude of reasons for just about everything.
Back to ridicule and hostility, actually more physically-demonstrated hostility. Simplistic dogma: we automatically hate the stranger, by which I mean someone who is significantly and obviously different from us (and therefore an U?n?k?n?o?w!n). This makes sense biologically, since it’s better to be prepared to antagonize a stranger than let down one’s defenses against him. Obviously, it’s best to simply be warily on the verge of attacking a stranger–and carefully learn as much as possible about him. Eventually he will become known enough to accept as a friend-in-progress or more, up to a full-scale friend, or to reject as known enough not to be feared but still unfamiliar enough to be shunned, or recognized as an enemy to be fled from or fought.
Most social friction is due to differences of Life-Manner (yes, I’m sure there’s a better word for this, but I’m bad with words). Every such difference is small, probably tiny considering how many things in common every hum Life-manner has with every other life-manner (e.g., we all drink water and urinate), but each one that causes damaging friction seems large to someone some important part of whose Life-Manner is in opposition to it–whether God is three unified beings or just one, for example.
Here is where I finally get to the point I’ve been trying to make: when component A of your life-manner opposes component A of my life-manner, it has to cause me pain. The pain has to cause me to do something about your component A. Murder you? I’m a realist, so my answer would be, yes, if your were about to set off a bomb containing bacteria capable of making everyone coming into contact with them say nasty things about mathematical poetry. Ordinarily, however, murder would be impractical. It may even be that your life-manner has enough other components that harmonize with my life-manner for me to prefer that you live even if not wholly compatible with me. (Actually, in many cases, I would want you to live because your life-manner was sufficiently unlike mine to keep you from boring me, but I’m trying to keep this as simple as possible.)
So I don’t murder you, but I hate you passionately while the difference of our component A’s dominates my consciation (dang, I just knew that word would be useful!) I can’t murder you. Should I just smoulder? No, I can combine friendship and enmity in an insult, for instance, if you were an African American, I could say, “Well, that’s just what I should expect from a nigger-man.” Of course, I would have to know that you were not a hyper-offendable, and knew me well enough to know that I was merely letting off steam (or joking).
And now I’m into another subject. But first let me say I consider myself not a racist, but am not a sentimentalist, so define a racist not as someone failing to consider all races 100% nice and valuable, but simply as one who physically treats everyone the same, however different so long as he does not damage or threaten to damage my property, which includes my body, and who interpersonally treats everyone in accordance with how well he treats me interpersonally, while trying my best to take into consideration the effect of my interpersonal interaction with him–e.g., not referring to a black I know has trouble rising above sensitivity to insults using the n-word.
Now, my new subject–and today I’m going to let myself bobble wherever I feel like bobbling until I’m tired of bobbling–is that the hyper-prohibition against the horrible n-word (and all like prohibitions against words or ideas, like burning a star of David on one’s on front lawn) is moronic. There are four major reasons for this, in my opinion:
(1) When serious, the use of a tabooed word or reference to a tabooed idea can helpfully indicate a hostility to those offended by it (or sympathetic to them) that will allow them accurately to gauge its strength and location–and, if accompanied by any hostility to some specific hated component of the victim’s life-manner, and person, possibly allow something to be done about it–perhaps the use of the n-word is due to a person’s error about blacks that can be corrected, or he may–brace yourself if you’re a sentimentalist (although if you were, how could you keep reading this entry of mine?)–he may be bothered by some component of life-manner or person he ought to be bothered by and that they ones offended might well be able to correct–e.g., the tendency of blacks to commit crimes of violence more often than whites do (if that is the case, and I’m pretty sure it is).
(2) The use of a tabooed word or reference to a tabooed idea can give both those justifiably upset and those unjustifiably upset with some component of a person or a group’s behavior an outlet for their anger less damaging than lynching.
(3) It can, in a work of art at its most effective, carry out all sorts of valuable expressive effects–the way the use of ugly colors makes happy colors in a painting all the happier, for instance; or coverage of the full gamut of human behavior (including the use of racial slurs) enlarges the scope of a novel.
(4) By far most important good that allowing people to use tabooed words and reference to tabooed ideas to me but just about always overlooked in discussions like this is that it will make the most verbally creative members of a society feel free. Why should a sociologist feel inhibited when trying to present a valid overview of the nature of intelligence by a fear that the understanding of it he has reached will offend some group that has the power to keep him from publishing his view, and even jeopardize his career? Why should some other sociologist closing in on an important insight be prevented from reading something the first sociologist has written that is exactly what he needs to nail his insight? And why should some playwright’s play be banned because partially universally offensive, given that the rest of it may have an exhilaratingly inspiring effect on just about everyone? Or even if totally evil in everyone’s eyes except some few who want to see it–since it will remind the best of us of our good fortune in living in a country where freedom of expression is allowed (or so my intuition tells me, although I’ve never experienced the feeling myself).
Having said that, I will agree that some speech or the like should be banned–but not by a government, only by an individual–on his property. This introduces complications I believe ingenuity can get around. The most famous is the fatuous fear that, given genuine freedom of speech, may result in someone’s falsely calling out, “fire,” in a crowded theatre, thus endangering the theatre’s patrons if they panic. (1) full freedom of speech is more valuable to the world as a whole in the long run (which sentimentalists never consider) than a few lives lost when due to the misuse of speech in a theatre; (2) anyone stupid enough (and stupidity is the cause of malice) to yell, “fire,” in a crowded theatre will not likely be deterred by a law against it; (3) a theatre-owner can state on a sign outside his theatre and signs inside it as well as on tickets sold, and even an announcement before the show, that he is prohibiting anyone in his theatre from falsely yelling, “fire.” He can also have a man in a fireman’s uniform come onstage and tell the audience to ignore anyone yell, “fire,” because he will come onstage to take announce a genuine fire and direct them out of the theatre.
As far as I can see, there’s only one problem with this: how to punish someone who is apprehended after falsely yelling, “fire,” in a crowded theatre. I would say he should be punished in any way the theatre owner wants to punish him so long as the various announcements that what the culprit did would be regarded as a crime on the theatre-owner’s property also described the punishment. A fair punishment if no one was injured would be imprisonment in the cellar of the theatre for ten days and a fine to cover twice the cost of keeping him there, which the culprit would have to pay before he could be released. There would have to be a government supporting the theatre-owner, with a record of the prohibition and the penalty for ignoring it.
If people were injured, the culprit should be injured worse than they were as well as imprisoned. If anyone was killed, the person should be imprisoned for life, and forced to work at some low wage that would be paid not to him but to the family of anyone who had died because of his crime. Being an elitist, if it turned out he had some talent, I would allow him to exercise it, and if he invented a useful drug or wrote a terrific musical, I would allow him to buy his freedom. Pragmatism versus a stupid egalitarianism that penalizes the world at large.
I believe all complications like yelling fire could be handled with minimal governmental involvement in some way like yelling fire was. Libel, for instance. Some ways of dealing with such things would for a while be ineffective, so it might be best slowly to reduce censorship rather than drop it altogether. Contracts would be important. The contract the theatre-owner I was discussing required his patrons, in effect, to sign is an example. A person working for a security agency, for instance, could be required to sign a contract not to divulge anything he finds out about his company on pain of severe punishment, including execution for giving secrets to a country at war, or close to it, with his. Libel would be tricky. I have a few ideas about that, but will need time to work them out.
And that’s it for today’s entry. (Anyone still here?!)
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Entry 1677 — “The World’s Need”
Tuesday, December 30th, 2014
The following poem, by Ella Wheeler Wilcox, almost perfectly expresses what William Voegeli calls “liberal compassion,” in my view.
The World’s Need
So many gods, so many creeds,
So many paths that wind and wind,
While just the art of being kind,
Is all the sad world needs.
It’s completely valid. It is also completely vacuous. It’s here because I feel I ought to have a poem here at least once in a while. Another reason is that I’m in my null zone again. I think my right hip is going bad, which means another hip replacement. I also just had some kind of sonar exam of my carotid arteries, my cardiologist’s nurse-practitioner having thought it would be a good idea although my blood pressure is fine, and my cholesterol-related numbers excellent (although my doctors’ have me taking [low doses of] drugs for both). I have to go back in eight days to find out what it shows. But the nurse-practitioner originally had told me she’d just call me if exam showed anything wrong. So I’m sure I won’t make it out of 2015.
Tomorrow I’ll be better.
Oh, and what’s wrong with what today’s poem is the same thing that’s wrong with the equally vacuous diction of the French utopian Étienne-Gabriel Morelly that Karl Marx popularized, “For each according to his ability, to each according to his need”: nothing is said about who gets to decide what a person’s ability or need is. Inevitably, it will not be the individual involved but some commissar who knows better than he what his abilities and needs are. Not that the individual himself will necessarily have an intelligent idea what they are.
There are further problems. One is that the supply of goods is not infinite. There will always be goods the demand for which is greater than the supply. I’ve used in one or more of my excessively unread texts the example of whatever is the world’s best means of observing the stars: thousands of astronomers will have a need for it; who should be allowed to use it? What about a painter’s possible need for it? Or just a little boy’s?
In a freekonomy, the ones who can afford to build it, will either use it, or decide who uses it. What if they sell time on it? It is my claim that eventually its most profitable use will be for the gathering of data that can be sold (as seems to have been the case in the real world), so the best at using it for that will most likely be given access to it. The process will be messy, not always fair, not always leading to good profits, but much more flexible than the astronomy business’s being run by commissars–or so it seems to me.
Actually, the commissars cannot help but being guided by some kind of profit-making goal, profit not necessarily being money (although in practice it mostly is), but hero-medals, high position and the material comforts connected with it, etc.
The bottom line is that it is just a matter of opinion whether or not anyone’s use of the world’s greatest telescope, or the equivalent, would be better than shutting it down and turning the observatory over to a homeless family. Compassion versus aspiration, again. I think that which of those two wins will be a matter of who has the most political power in the country where the telescope is, (genuine) males or females. If males, the masses (because of the many male losers making them up) will be unhappy, and slowly find means to castrate them (or send them into hiding) as in the West. If females, Arabs or the equivalent will conquer the country . . . and over-masculinize it.
Now that I reflect on it, I think females never dominate a country politically. But opportunists use female compassion to get females and male losers behind them to slowly castrate the males in power–they’ll feminize the country in order to weaken it enough for them to win it. Then they’ll try to keep it with bread, circuses and free medical care. Lesser males will put up with the feminization because of the bread and circuses, which would be too expensive for them if forced to trade the limited goods they are able to produce for them–except their greatest product: getting in the way of their betters if not bribed not to.
There may be a post-adolescent idea in what I’ve said here today–however badly expressed. I’s jes’ wingin’ it. Mebbe tomorry I’ll do better.
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Entry 1675 — Warning re: 2015
Sunday, December 28th, 2014
I’m feeling guilty about having steered this blog so far west of its supposed subject during the past few months (or more?) And now I have worser news: I will probably be even further below poetics and poetry here for the foreseeable future although I’ll try at least once in a while to mention them. Blame it on the stars, mainly the constellations Mars and Venus and Venus are in, because they iz inciting me something awful now that, as I told you yesterday, I’m in my first house, to fare forth on mine Final TruthQuest, to wit: a definitive total verosophy. Okay, the opiate in me from the pill I took a little while ago (do to the advice of the stars) is making me exaggerative. What I intend to do (as long as my opiates last) is try for an at least semi-unified babblation of my views on all the important stuff, but principally My Political View (which, for some reason, I feel is clarifying), and my knowlecular psychology, starting with my theory of awarenesses–unless I feel like taking on an essay I’m itching to write about my theory of the nature and evolution of cerebrevaluceptuality, and music as the first True Art. Oh, a third very important project I expect to take on is a definitive description of my theory of temperament types and its application to those on both sides of the Shakespeare Authorship Question (SAQ).
Dang, the stars and the opium got me wanting to do all of these at once right now: instead, I will jump into the main thoughts that have been bothering me of late, because of too much reading about that idiot Obama (and his Republicans, who are avoiding being as idiotic as he only because they lack his power, which I add in hopes it will somewhat assuage you lefties who have a better opinion of Barry than I). But I’m also taking off from The Pity Party, a book I’m reading that’s basically for (intelligent) adherents to the tea party by William Voegeli that I mostly agree with and will be referring to more than once. (Hey, it’s the first book I’ve begun reading on my new Kindle! The Kindle is part of the preparations I’ve made for mine TruthQuest, an important result of which, I hope, will be two or more books of mine available for Kindle at Amazon before 2016. The SAQ should be the first of these, for I think I’m much closer to being able to finish my definitive thoughts on that than I am on the other subjects.)
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I doubt I’ll say anything new about politics but gotta say it anyway. First Dogma: no system of government is worth a damn. Second Dogma: all systems of government are equally worthless. By that I mean that no over-all pleasure-to-pain ratio for the population of any tribe, regardless of how it is governed (or, in the case of those who were free of governments of any kind far in the past, or have somehow managed to be free of it now) is more than five or ten percent better or worse than any other’s. The pleasure-to-pain ratio, by the way, is–according to my Third Dogma–my sole way of comparing the effectiveness of one system of government with another (see this blog entry of mine. There’s something in it about this ratio. You may find something else about “pleasure-maximization” in this essay, too, although it’s already out-of-date (due to my adding magnaceptuality and practiceptuality to my theory).
It is important to note that I evaluate a system of government on the basis of the pain and pleasure of everyone in it. That will always include people whose pleasure-maximization ratio is very high, thanks to the government. In other words, each system will have winners and losers, cancelling each other out. Having a system half totalitarian and half free (to put it roughly) the way ours is, doesn’t help: it just reduces the unhappiness of the masses at the expense of the ruling class.
Something else is important: the fact that the system of government an individual has to put up with will seldom be as significant a determinant of the individual’s pleasure-maximization ratio as the individual himself. Assuming, as I do, that genes count. If so, some will find a way to reasonable happiness no matter how bad their government is, others will be miserable no matter what form their governments take.
One way of classifying governments is to try to measure the freedom-to-security ratio experienced by their subjects–or, better, the freedom-to-security ratio they seem to favor, all governments allowing some freedom to some of its people, along with the security (or enslavement for their own good) the majority of every government’s people benefit from. A somewhat novel way of considering this ratio is as male individualism versus female collectivism, or–relatedly–as male aspiration versus female compassion.
This, in any event, is where my thoughts about William Voegeli ‘s ideas of “liberal compassion” have taken me. The introduce that, let me quote portions of the letter I wrote Voegeli after reading an essay of his in a (free) conservative pamphlet I get from Hillsdale College, an institution notorious for refusing all government hand-outs so it is free to run itself the way it wants to instead of the way the government does:
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Dear Mr. Voegeli:
I recently read your analysis of liberal compassion in Imprimis with enjoyment. I was especially interested in it, though, because I’ve for some time been trying to work out an explanation of why so many people are liberal (as now defined) and find your explanation an excellent one. But I feel it is only one of several equally applicable explanations. Since I’m forever responding to essays in periodicals, I quickly wrote the following response to yours. I only rarely send any of my responses to the authors I’m responding to, or anywhere else, however, being doubtful that anyone would be interested in what I have to say. I’m also sure that what I have to say about politics would offend a great many people. I’ve elected to send the following response to your essay to you, however, because I think there is an outside chance you may actually like some parts of it, even if you conclude fairly quickly that I am a crank. (I sincerely don’t know whether I am or not but have enough self-confidence to believe that if I am, I’m a superior crank.)
. . .
I wrote my response to your essay two weeks ago, thinking from what you wrote for Imprimis, you would be more likely to sympathize at least a little with my ideas than any other writer I might try them on. Still, it took me till today to dare send my response to you. I will understand if you find it of no value, and will not further bother you again if so. But I would greatly appreciate your at least letting me know you’d prefer not to discuss any of it with me if that is the case. In any case, keep up the good work against liberalism!
Re: Liberal Compassion
In a recent issue of Imprimis, a pamphlet published by Hillsdale College, William Voegeli has an excellent piece called, “The Case Against Liberal Compassion,” which concludes that a main motive of liberals is not so much a need to improve the lot of the poor and otherwise needy, but to be perceived as persons who want to do that. This neatly explains why such liberals seem not to care how effectively the welfare state carries out its acts of compassion, by making sure that a maximum of the taxes spent on the effort is efficiently used, for instance, and even (subconsciously, I’m sure) hope it will never fully succeed–because they need people in need to be compassionate about. About my only difference with Voegeli here is that I feel he fails to appreciate the many reasons other than a need either to be compassionate or to be perceived as a compassionate person that various people become liberal, such as the compulsion of many of them simply to regulate, or have a government that regulates. Many conservatives have this failing, too, the kinds of regulation favored being the main difference between the majority of present-day conservatives and liberals, not the need to regulate.
Related to this is a need for sameness, which I think is why leftists promote egalitarianism and economic equality—not out of any kind of genuine compassion but to make everyone the same, to protect leftists from too much human diversity.
Be that as it may, my main reason for writing this is that Voegeli’s essay gave me what I think is an Interesting Thought: that liberal compassion (whether a genuine motive or only something a liberal wants to be perceived as feeling) is actually standard innate female compassion–and that there is such a thing as male compassion that liberals seem unaware of. It is an empathetic identification not with the sick, poor, bullied, etc. but with—this I haven’t clear in my mind yet but do have a fair impression of: failed quest-seeking. More commonly, blocked quest-opportunity. Simple example: female compassion for inner city have-nots consistently triumphs over male compassion for those who want to conquer outer space. That is, liberals (most of them) have no compassion for those who need adventure rather than hand-outs. Closely connected (although in a minor way) is the female compassion which causes liberals to over-protect explorers: no trips to Mars until we’re 99.999% certain of the total safety of the crews involved.
Those with stronger female than male compassion (and every healthy person has both kinds) will have extreme trouble with foreign policy because they lack much genuine feeling for those suffering significant enslavement (and/or suffering from lack of wilderness, and here is where I have problems with conservatives, at least those for maximal “development” of wilderness). Indeed, I suspect few of them would even be able to consider the possibility that any sort of male compassion could exist.
It’s all extremely complex: I just now thought of another factor: that those with female compassion often have it so badly that they assume that anyone lacking it to the degree that they have it can be cured by reason. In foreign affairs, this means negotiation, never use of the military. In any case, if I am right, or even not entirely wrong, it seems to me that conservatives ought to publicize their kind of compassion as such to a greater degree. Our country sorely needs people motivated by both kinds of compassion.
I wrote that a month-and-a-half ago, and Mr. Voegeli actually replied to it–favorably. So I bought the Kindle edition of his The Pity Party and hope to write a review of it at Amazon. I expect that to get a reasonable number of money men to back me for the Republican nomination for President.
Amazing; the opiate loses its effect after four hours, and I took my dose of it almost five hours ago, but am still hilariously funny. It’s not giving me the zip to go on, though. More tomorrow.
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Entry 1621 — Election Day, 2014
Tuesday, November 4th, 2014
I always vote but never quite know why I bother. For example, in today’s elections the vote of mine I felt was the most meaningful of the ones I cast was a vote in favor of making it legal for people to use marijuana so long as a doctor prescribed it for them. But I believe it should be legal to buy cocaine and any other drug off the counter. The imbecile masses shouldn’t even be allowed to vote on what can be sold, what not! So even if my vote allows the law to be passed, so what? It represents one very small step of the ten thousand I want the government to take concerning just drugs. It is not the American way to let others buy anything they don’t approve of. A good example is homosexuality: the imbecile masses disapproved of it for a long time, so it was illegal, but the media kept telling them it was okay, so it finally became legal. Fine. But it was never a matter of freedom of individual choice, but a matter of majority approval. Or perhaps lack of disapproval.
The second vote of mine I felt was meaningful was against a tax, a sales tax of one percent added to the regular 6% that was voted in several years ago for just a year or two to pay for some special need, but keeps getting renewed. Because the government never has a high enough income, and certainly can never be expected to live within its means. I’m pretty sure it will be renewed again, for the third or fourth time.
Of course, the worst part of voting is having to choose whom to vote against. I don’t think many states have ever had two worse candidates for governor than my state, Florida, has this year. And I haven’t had a candidate representing more than 20% of my point of view ever—although a couple expressed more of my point of view than that a few times, only to later prove themselves standard republicratic advocates of tax and spend.
Since it’s unlikely we’ll ever have good people running for any political office, what we need to do is reduce the power of those offices, but that will never happen. We won’t have good people run for office because good people want to contribute meaningfully to society–which is the opposite of competing to get the right to use others’ money to control a maximum of others’ lives in a maximum number of ways. To exaggerate, but only slightly.
I wish I could completely ignore politics. It’s hard to. And I believe it has affected me—but, no, I mustn’t get into that!
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Entry 1493 — The Problem of Libel
Monday, June 23rd, 2014
I may be the wrong person to discuss the problem of libel because I truly don’t give a damn what anyone says or writes about me. But I do realize that someone who needs to be known as honest can suffer economically from libel–because people are too often too stupid to be able to judge the validity of information. So there are instances when it would seem proper to offer protection from being damagingly lied about. So, does that mean we need to suspend freedom of speech–as we indirectly do in American by making the legal meaning of the phrase, “freedom of speech,” “the right to say anything you want to, so long as the State allows you to? ” I say no.
In the first place, libel will be damaging regardless of the laws against it since there will always be law-breakers, and having to take someone to court will always be a hassle and costly. Still, if laws giving a person a right to sue another person for damaging one’s reputation with lies were the only way to compensate a victim of libel, I could go along with it. But I believe much the same thing could be done without laws. How? With an unlicensed meta-legal court of law. Here’s how it would work:
1. A group of intelligent people–6, say–would make a decision room available which a person believing himself the victim of libel could rent.
2. By renting it, he would hire the six to determine whether or not he had been libeled.
3. The alleged victim would set a charge for damages and give the six the money to cover it.
4. The six would notify the person or persons accused of libel to contest their Preliminary Conclusion: that he or they had been guilty of malicious . . . slander (better word, I think).
5. If the defendant (and I’ll assume there is only one) wanted to contest the charge, a trial would be scheduled for a time convenient for both defendant and plaintiff. If not, the defendant would be declared guilty.
6. If contesting the charge, the defendant would have to give the six an amount of money equal to the charge for damages.
7. Each side would argue until such a time as the six decided they had heard enough.
8. The six would decide whether slander had occurred, and if so, how serious it was.
9. If the defendant won, all the money covering the charge for damages would go to him.
10. If the plaintiff won, all that money would go to him.
11. The six would get the rental fee.
12. The six would announce the verdict (regardless of whether there had been a trial or not) and defend the reasoning that led to it.
13. I claim that once people had gotten used to an intelligent free court system, the media would give the winner of such a trial effect publicity. In any case, the winner could declare himself innocent with good credibility.
A main argument against this is that the six might sell their decision or be crooked in some other way, or stupidly biased, or otherwise incompetent. But the same could be true of the judges we now have.
Counter-argument: as such meta-legal courts went into business, and the government left them alone, private enterprise would take over. The best would flourish, the corrupt or stupid would fail. Just as in the relatively free world, the best manufacturers’ goods outsell the poorer manufacturers’. And no meta-legal court will stay in business unless it is effective, unlike courts run by the government.
Another argument against it is that someone poor couldn’t avail himself of it. But someone poor can’t necessarily avail himself of legal action now. But in both cases if right was with him, he could scare up support, and even get someone good at argument to present his case–a lawyer or anyone.
I believe I’ve just presented a sketch (my first one, which is why is is no doubt very rough) of the proper libertarian response to making speech unfree because some will misuse to practice slander. In any event, I don’t call for the meta-legal court to replace the current legal court, but I think it worth thinking about. Note: I think such a court could do many things meta-legally besides decide libel/slander cases.
Note: abolition of libel laws would benefit poets because it would make them feel more comfortably able to exercise true freedom of speech, which they must have to be able fully to express themselves. So this entry isn’t off my blog’s supposed subject.
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Entry 1492 — Speech in a Free Country
Sunday, June 22nd, 2014
Today I’m upset because of something in The New Criterion again–which I read mainly because som much of it upsets me. Not that I’m not very much on its side at teims, too. I’m for freedom of speech so get upset by its not infrequent articles against freedom of speech. Sometimes, though, it seems to be in favor of it. anyway, this time I’m upset by an article about some professor of law who seems in favor of allowing judges to interpet the Constitution’s “freedom of speech” any way they want to instead of being required to take the phrase to mean what it says. The professor considers this okay because freedom of speech can be harmful–for example a man’s reputation could be ruined by lies by someone free to say what he wants to about him.
First response: what good are laws that mean whatever some judge says they mean, or even whatever our noble Supreme Court says it means. Shouldn’t laws mean what they say to assure that citizens know what they can and can not do legally? And doesn’t giving judges the power to interpret them any way they want to give them too much power, especially the ones that can’t be removed by a vote of the general electorate?
Response #2: if it seems to most people that letting the Constitution’s “freedom of speech” mean freedom to say whatever one wants to will be harmful, why not then amend the Frist Amendment so it says says “freedom of speech except libel, slander, pornography, blasphemy misogyny, racism, making Canadians cry,” etc., with definitions of libel, pornography and the rest.
Final response:leave the first amendment alone, but add an amendment to the Constitution requiring everything in it to be taken to mean what it says. Then allow the free market to deal with any significant harm true freedom of speech might do. Tomorrow I will show how it could do this.
Note: ignore my counter. It’s haywire. I replaced it twice, to no avail. It went up to 288 before I even posted the entry.
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Entry 1438 — Libertarianism
Tuesday, April 29th, 2014
Yesterday’s edition of Aeon had an interesting article about a gathering of various libertarians in New Hampshire. Some 2000 of them were there to discuss, among other things, the possibility of taking over the state, a small one, and one with more of a lean toward their kind of political thinking, libertarians believe, than any other state. I quickly read it, the beliefs of the libertarian party being closer to my own political beliefs than any other formal party’s. But I have problems with the refusal of many of them, and of anarchists, to see the need of some kind of government to protect us against domestic and foreign enemies–with weaponry, not chatter about morality and acts of kindness. So I call myself a constitutional anarchist–minimal government, not zero government. Unless I or someone else can think of a way to privatize enforcement enforcement and the military. I myself have already written here about the privatization of the courts, so it may be possible to privatize the other two , as well.
In any case, the reason I’ve brought up libertarianism is that it’s so hard to get a handle on. I feel both the democrats and republicans are fairly easy to understand as people who believe in the majority of the principles each party’s ideology (more or less) consists of (although both parties blur their beliefs since honest representation of their ideas will cost them votes.
Perhaps the same is true of libertarianism, but there does seem to be a big split between leftist and rightist libertarians. I guess the meeting principle is the idea that if we let individuals run their lives with no interference from some ruling group, a utopia will result; what differs for libertarians is what kind of utopia that will be, or whom it will be for, the leftists believing it will be for the poor, the rightists for the productive.
Sorry for the mush. When I started my entry, I thought I had something to say. I didn’t, but I said it, anyway! Gotta do an entry a day! Meanwhile, I’m having all sorts of fun with the Major Life’s Project I’ve been working on for five whole days. I feel I’m giving it an effort, although a nearly minimal one. I feel that’s because I can’t seem to get my text organized. For a while, for instance, it was about beauty. Now it’s about Art. I only added one or two hundred words to it today, and took out three or four hundred. But I’m getting it slowly into a shape that feels right, I think.
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Entry 1430 — Trying to Define “Religion”
Monday, April 21st, 2014
It’s past eight in the evening. Usually I’ve posted my blog entry for the day before now. But I spent 9 A.M. until 6 P.M. helping a friend move. Very tiring but we got the job done–just me and his son, my friend, 81, having taken a spill in a tennis game a few days ago that hurt his back and hands, so was unable to help much. (He was my partner when he fell, by the way–but I had nothing to do with it.)
I thought I’d just post what I’d spent my day doing, and use it as an excuse not to say anything more. But something I read while having dinner about religious freedom got me thinking enough to scribble a few of my thoughts here. I have trouble with the first amendment because I don’t know what religion is. I consider Roger Williams the true founder of America because he established an at least approximate right not to be punished for having religious beliefs the government opposes. Actually, although I keep wanting to read up on Roger, I never have, so I’m not sure how far he went. I’m pretty sure he went farther than anyone else had.
Of course, I don’t care much about freedom of religious thought because I am a fanatic who believes in freedom of thought, period. One should have the right to think anything one wants to, and express any belief in speech or print that one wants to. So we shouldn’t be arguing about only one kind of freedom of belief.
I also believe that one should be allowed to do anything one wants to in the privacy of one’s own home . . . or church–so long as no physical harm of any significance comes to an innocent person against his will. So if your church believes in a yearly ceremony in which a member of the church chosen by lot is beheaded, and does not protest being sacrificed, I think it should be allowed to have the ceremony as long as it wants it. But so should a bunch of atheistic thrill-seekers who agree to play Russian Roulette, without having to call it a church service.
In short, my not knowing what religion is, is irrelevant. But the question of what it is, is interesting. Maybe I do know what it is: a system of belief in a doctrine covering a significant portion of life that is taken to be true by a group of people (i.e., more than three or four wacks) although premised on the notion that reason and material evidence can be ignored so far as some of the doctrine is concerned. Science is therefore not a religion.
I contend that at the root of religious intolerance is an innate intolerance of those who fail to conform to some groups idea of proper behavior. That, of course, is at the root of all intolerance of certain kinds of human behavior. Simplistic but I can’t find anything wrong with it. My theory of character types goes deeper: it shows the underlying mental defects that prevent people developing understandings effectively enough to tolerate almost any human behavior except that which is clearly harmful to others who have done no harm to anyone.
Hey, some good serious thinking here . . . for a fifteen-year-old. But I’m afraid it’s what I think.
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Entry 1289 — An Instance of Egalityrian Thinking
Wednesday, December 4th, 2013
From a George Will column:
All knowledge, you see, is equally valuable: to say it isn’t would mean that Igor’s knowledge of car-types might be termed inferior to Hozlick’s knowledge of algebra by some insidious elitist, which would have to hurt Igor’s feelings.
Yeah, I’m too blah to post anything but hate-entries at the moment.
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Christian Dating
Posted in George Will, Political Commentators, Political Thoughts | No Comments »